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This assumes that the same barriers are being put up in front of all candidates, no?

Which the lawsuit we are talking about explicitly alleges is not the case.



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That would work if all candidates are interchangeable if they assert the same plank. In practice, however, candidates X and Y may both have identical planks but wildly different levels of efficacy. People aren't machines.

That is perhaps literally the only limitation and even that isn’t absolute since the law could be changed for a candidate with the right support.

The same argument applies to any democrat primary candidate.

My point was more that since they’re from the same party, these things can get smoothed over. The losing candidate will be far less likely to cry foul. The winner might appoint the loser to their team, etc.

Right, and who says who is eligible to run a campaign?

> favoritism in a party primary by the party infrastructure is supposed to be verboten.

According to what?


This problem is not unique to US elections.

It does solve the issue of being strictly against a policy of one candidate and having no consolidated view for others.

You're making an unsupported inference here. Neither I, nor anybody else in this discussion that I see, has made any (serious) suggestion that the article needed to mention anybody else. Not even Gary Johnson or Jill Stein, much less Hedges, etc.

What the author should have done however, is write an accurate statement by simply saying "both major party candidates for President..." instead of "both candidates for President..."


The party primaries are more or less independent from "real" elections. This is how the parties like it— the DNC argued in a lawsuit that they don't have any obligation to make the process fair.

The same is true of Obama and Romney in the last election. It shouldn't be presented as a property unique to those two candidates.

is it? the actual candidates already get preselected.

even if youre right, which is likely, it doesn't matter, because any majority was previously generated by pluarility.


I don't believe that there is anything stopping two candidates from one party. I believe I have even seen it before, but I can't find a reference.

> How so? If you're referring to the open primary system, that doesn't mean there are no primary challengers. In a sense, it means everyone but the incumbent is a primary challenger

It means "primary challenge" (which refers to an intra-party run in a partisan primary with a segregated pool of cnadidates) is a meaningless distinction when running against someone, since any time you run for an office, it means running in the general, non-partisan pool of candidates in the "primary" election.


The thing being suggested here is that the campaign of the incumbent is reading all the communications of the campaign of the challenger. I don't think anything of the sort actually happens or is really that easy to (completely secretly!) make happen, but that's the proposed scenario.

The point is that if voters would otherwise support someone, but they can't run because an inner circle of political elites won't let them, then those people are an obstruction to democracy

I think we agree. I'm just pointing out that this is not a problem with this specific decision by the Democratic party, but an inherent problem with any system that allows a small number of powerful political parties to act as the gatekeepers deciding who can appear on the ballot. This is the system we have, and it is an impediment to democracy.


> GP specified elected official, not candidate

So incumbents get a material campaigning advantage?


You could have said the same about Arizona

And there's "no difference" for the average candidate, not for outliers.


Only for primaries. The Democrat establish cannot be challenged.
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